Media gendering in second-level democracies: Scottish Labour leadership contests

Abstract

Introduction:
When the Consultative Steering Group on the Scottish Parliament presented their report to the
Secretary of State for Scotland in 1998, they presented a clear aim, in common with the ambitions
of the Scottish Constitutional Convention, to increase the accessibility of politics in Scotland. It was
envisioned that by creating a Parliament where there was greater representation, where proceedings
were easily accessible over the Internet, and where law could be influenced by publicly supported
petitions, it would create both more equal politics within Scotland and move Scottish society
towards a more equal base (The Scottish Office 1998, §2.1-53).
With the devolution process being championed by the Labour Party, which has traditionally been
broadly supportive of the suffrage movement and fully supportive of the equal rights movement and increased representation of women and minority groups, it is unsurprising equal representation
became a pillar of the new Parliament (Ross 2010, p 10) To achieve these aims, a number of
measures were put in place both by political parties and the Scottish Parliament as a whole to
encourage greater equality, with Labour adopting All Women Shortlists, twinning of seats, and
quotas for regional list positions in Holyrood elections.
Arguably, many of these reforms achieved the desired effect. Within 15 years of the Parliament's
establishment, three of the four main parties had selected female leaders, with one, the Scottish
Conservative Party, the first in the UK to be led by an openly LGBT woman. Following their
accession to Government in 2007 the SNP followed Labour by issuing a broad commitment to increase equality and representation, making this core to the National Planning Framework, one of
the Government's key economic planning tools, and following this with a second commitment in
the 2012 Economic Strategy. Throughout the life of the Parliament, further commitments to
increased representation and enhanced social democracy have been issued by political leaders from
across Scottish politics (Scott & Wright 2012, p 444). 2014 saw the appointment of the first female
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First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, who quickly sought to increase equal representation through positive action, including mandatory quotas for Cabinet and boards of public bodies.
This has all taken place alongside the growth of a global news media complex which appears to
be discriminatory in its coverage of female politicians, where world leaders are criticised for
exhibiting feminine characteristics or for being too macho, where cabinet ministers are leered at by
the press passing judgement on the colours and styles of their clothing, and where presidential
candidates are judged for their abilities as mothers instead of as political leaders.
While, through the 'new politics' of devolution, Scottish civic society appears to have had an
appetite to reach beyond the gendering of politicians and to create a more equal society, there has
been little work to reveal the extent of gendering historically or its change over time. By examining
print media reports for gendering relating to leaders of the Labour Party in Scotland, this study will
investigate the extent of gendering within Scotland, providing insight into the level of gendering in
Scottish media and the difference in gendering between the three national newspapers in Scotland.
It will also look at how levels of gendering have changed since the election of Henry McLeish as
leader of the Labour Party in Scotland in 2000.
Given the extent of the support of the Scottish political sphere for equal opportunities and
representation, it is valid to assume that this would have resulted in a decrease of gendering over
time, as evidence suggests that the levels of gendering of female politicians prior to the creation of
the Parliament was both high and toxic, and that it remains highly problematic in other countries.
Scottish civic society is a complex and multifaceted beast, which has only just begun to
countenance efforts to reform institutions such as land ownership and the Sheriff Courts. This study
intends to provide insights into that pace of adaption within the media, particularly the three papers
with national reach across Scotland: The (Glasgow) Herald, The Scotsman, and The Daily Record.
Using editions of these three papers from a 15 year time frame, the way in which these key
Scottish print media outlets have treated successful Scottish Labour leadership candidates will be assessed. By looking at the number of incidences of gendering from the first month of taking office
for each of the leaders of the Labour Party in Scotland, insight is gathered into how the media in
particular, but also wider society, has reacted to the political drive to increase equal opportunities in
the political sphere.
This study is particularly important at this time, when Scottish politics is infused with positivity
and desire for further reform following the 2014 referendum campaign. Like the period when 'new
politics' was optimistically grasped, there is potential for real change driven both by a more open
civic society and a more engaged public. This work also aims to complement work undertaken
within first level democracies to examine gendering towards female leaders and candidates,
including Julia Gillard and Sarah Palin. As such, it will also examine the history of gendering
within Britain and other key democracies, but with particular focus on Palin, Gillard, and Merkel, as
well as high profile female British politicians prior to 1999. Where possible, this work will
complement existing research into gender, equality, and politics. These works will be discussed in
more detail to provide fuller context.
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